1. Introduction
With Mao’s decease, the Cultural Revolution had come to an epilogue, so as the debate around educational reform. The university entrance examination substituted the recommendation system, which was instituted during the ten-year political turmoil. It became the new and only selection process for post-secondary education enrolment. The first selection process commenced in December 1977. Along with the secondary school graduates at that year, young people who had graduated from high school in 1966, 1967 and 1968, were also allowed to participate in the exam (Unger, 1982). In other words, couple with the high school students in 1977, senior middle school graduates from the early years of the Cultural Revolution could also join the college exam. As a result of the arrangement, two groups of students who shared 10-year of age difference appeared in the 1977 and 1978 examination: The Old Three-generation, as called during the examination, who graduated in 1966, 1967, and 1968; the New Three-generation, students graduated nearly the end of the Cultural Revolution. The two groups also share two distinctively different education systems: The former group of students received a systematic, structured knowledge, the latter group received ideological-focused education. However, in Unger’s observation, the 1977 and 1978 university entrance examinations were more rigorous and challenging than the exams prior to the Cultural Revolution, making both generations face hardness in completing the exam (Unger, 1982). In addition to the exam’s difficulty level, the Old Three-generation was a decade away from formal education and engaged in manual labor works in factories and farms; on the other hand, the New Three-generation received an ideological-oriented education theoretically focused more on manual labor than exam skills.
This paper depicts the development of the education system in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from 1949 to 1980, Mao’s period. A case study of Nanjing University follows the above section examines the strategies adopted by candidates of 1977 and 1978 university entrance examination and analyze the factors behind both cohorts being admitted to universities.
2. The Two Models in the Evolvement
A prominent characteristic of PRC’s education system in the period is the zigzag course. As pointed out by Chen, some shifts in this period are changes in direction, while others are merely transitory diversions (Chen, 2013). The education system presents a winding trajectory. It is because education policies are closely linked to elite politics, and elite politics subjects to twists and turns before 1978. Since 1949, education policies experience frequent debates within the Chinese Communist Party and the government. The debates mainly focus on a system between manual labor and academic study, ideology and expertise, application and theory. In short, the contentions are propelled by development-focused and ideological-focused.
The constant adjustments in the education system reflect the competition between the two drivers. The objectives of the education system swing between producing fervent revolution vanguard who are loyal to communist ideology and creating competent elites who are skillful and knowledgeable to bring forth the modernization mission (Chen, 2013). The contradicted targets of education and the constant shifting party line prioritize the education designs and arrange one ahead of the other. A rearrangement of priority elicits recasting in educational emphasis. The changes are significant. An education system that prioritizes ideological education is not always the best for modernizing the nation, and vice versa. The distinctive objectives and approaches in the education system result in two disparate models: The development-focused model and the ideology-focused model.
2.1 The Ideology-focused Model
Training revolutionaries is the primary objective of the ideology-focused model. In this model, schools are only one of the locations for studying. Factories and farms are also the knowledge suppliers in society. In addition to studying theory, students should learn communist ideology through participating in political struggles, political campaigns, and mass meetings. The model broadens the scope of education from schooling and systematically organized subjects.
2.2 The Development-focused Model
The objective of the development-focused model is to train students who can contribute to the modernization of the country. Academic elites and technicians are the product of this model. Contrary to the ideology-focused model, the only location for studying is school. Knowledge is systematically arranged and divided into diverse subjects. Examinations are the exclusive method in determining students’ promotion to the next level of study. The higher the level of education, the more competition among the students.
The development-focused model is distinctively different from the ideology-focused model. The former model aims to coach a small portion of the population to solve complicated theoretical questions. The latter model targets to educate the mass through practices. Thus, the predicted result of the ideology-focused model is zealous vanguards. In comparison, the development-focused model is technocrats and scholars. In the Mao era, both models emphasize “redness.” The development-focused model prioritizes technical knowledge to “redness,” Whereas the ideology-focused model underscores “redness.” In a nutshell, on a micro-level, the zigzag development of the PRC’s education policies represents the competition between the two models. On a macro-level, it also represents the border revision on the national direction between ideology and development.
3. The Evolvement of PRC’s Education System from 1979 to 1980
3.1 The Graduate Shift Era (1949-1958)
As a socialist state, surprisingly, the American education system was used in 1949. (Chen, 2013). The education system was divided into three levels of study. The highest level was post-secondary study, which was for three years. The medical and law profession required two more years of study. Before attending post-secondary education, students had to attend 12 years of study, which consisted of elementary and secondary education (Kwong, 2014). As a newly established and communist-ruled country, literacy classes were organized across the country from the 1949 winter. The literacy classes covered essential reading and numeracy skills. Although the courses were offered over the country, they were not organized uniformly. Gaps existed between rural and urban. Some rural residents had to wait until 1952 to attend the literacy class. For example, in Boyang county, the local party officials only started to organize "winter literacy crash courses" in late 1951 (Gao, 2007).
To build up a socialist country, CCP reformed its American-style education system in October 1951. CCP expanded the geographic coverage of education. However, with limited resources, the duration of the study needed to be shortened. The elementary study was condensed to five years (Cleverley, 1991). CCP also promulgated new ideological concepts into the education system, aiming to "unify the theory and practice." (Chen, 2013). To remove the trail of Republican ideology, CCP emphasizes that knowledge should be able to relate to the "present" situation and can be practiced in action. Students and teachers must engage in manual labor in daily education. Subjects related to technology and skills should instruct students to solve problems that arose from production. (Kwong, 2014). Students' class struggle consciousness should be reinforced through social science subjects. Students were also encouraged to participate in political movements. Participating in mass campaigns and making self-criticism in their diary were assigned to students as homework. Students had to live and learn collectively to cultivate collectivism by practice. CCP also promoted the "learning" movement, which was organized outside of school. The movement focused on younger generations who would be cultivated and proselytized "socialist" way of life by visiting revolutionary heroes' tombs and listening to socialist stories. However, after achieved tremendous success in the first five-year plan, CCP adopted a more ambitus attitude. The party tried to impart ideology at a much more rapid pace. The previously established literacy crash class and the graduate process of the school were too slow. As a result, more mass campaigns and political movements are organized into the curriculum. From 1951 to 1953, the Korean War was started, which provided an occasion for cultivating patriotism. Mass rallies were organized to support the war. By participating in the rallies, students were expected to cultivate "patriotic" sentiment.
The first era in PRC exemplifies a graduate shift from the development-focused model adopted in the Republic of China era to the ideology-focused model. The curriculum added ideological indoctrination and political movements. Moreover, it stretched more comprehensively and exhaustive than the development-focused model in the societal realm.
3.2 The Accelerating Transformation Period (1958-1966)
The accelerating transformation from the development-focused model to the ideology-focused model was the hallmark of this period. The Great Leap Forward generated fierce revolutionary sentiment. Propelled by Mao's directive, factories and farms were established inside the campus. Students and teachers were encouraged to participate in manual labor and industrial production. Education to the mass became a priority in the system. Schools were expanded all over China, including rural areas. As a result of the rapid expansion, the attendance rate of students increased significantly in this period. A new form of education, the work-study schools, was established (Mao, 2013). When the Great Leap Forward campaign reached its peak, the development-focused model was under fierce attack from the ultra-left party leaders. The model was fiercely denounced as perpetuating the difference between manual labor and mental labor. In the "Directive on Educational Work," which was jointly issued by the Central Committee of the CCP and the State Council, experts were denounced for holding the education authority exclusively. To establish a socialist society, the directive urged schools to prioritize teachers' ideological-political qualifications over professional qualifications.
Although Mao personally favored work-study school over the regular school, the latter was not abolished instantly. Schools and universities continued to produce technological elites and experts through systematic study (Xu Hayhoe, & Xu, 2000). The enrolment and promotion methods were still embracing a strict selection process. Graded examinations remained the dominant form of evaluation in every level of study. "Keypoint" schools designed for intelligent students persisted in being in the system (Price, 1975).
The first five-year plan's success encouraged the party to adopt a more ambitious ideological-driven reform, which gave rise to the ideology-focused model. However, the two models co-existed in this period. The ceaseless struggles and purges in top leadership throughout the period determined the priority of educational objectives. The Great Leap Forward period promoted the ideology-focused model to its peak. After the failure of the Great Leap Forward, the zealous ideologists were sidelined. The development-focused model swung back to be the dominant model (Unger, 1982; Du, 1992; Kwong, 2014). A short period in 1962, when Mao retreated to the second line and Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping were in charge of the economic recovery, students from the bad class background were even permitted to attend universities. However, the retreat of ideology dominance was temporary. From 1966 onward, the ideology-driven policies regained dominance and survived until the death of Mao.
3.3 The Apex of Ideology-focused model (1966-1976)
Started in August 1966, the education system moved away from a combination of the development-focused model and ideology-focused model. Breaking the mold (破旧立新) was the central theme of education during the Cultural Revolution. Education was not excluded from this theme. Post-secondary education was temporarily suspended for reform after CCP issued the 16-Point Decision of the Cultural Revolution. The “old” education system was denounced as toxic to the Chinese people. The development-focused system was denounced for biased toward students from wealthy backgrounds rather than children from workers and peasants’ families. More importantly, the selection process was unfair to students from workers, farmers, and soldiers’ families. Students from working backgrounds were outcompeted by students who were only dedicated to book study and distance themselves from political movements and production activities. Tertiary education was, therefore, being accused of recreating the bourgeois class. It was also criticized for perpetuating the “three major differences.” (Du, 1992; Xu, Hayhoe, & Xu, 2000). Therefore, “the most important task is to transform the old education system and the old principles, and teaching methods.” (The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, 1966).
In 1970, after suspending university education for four years, colleges were reopened. The new selection process was required to prioritize students from working families, namely workers and peasants. The examination was replaced by the recommendation system. High school graduates who wanted to attend universities must obtain recommendation letters from the “masses,” for example, brigade leaders, commune’s secretary, or local party officials. Only people in the “good backgrounds,” mainly peasants, soldiers, and workers, were eligible for recommending students (Du, 1992; Xu, Hayhoe, & Xu, 2000). As a result, students admitted to universities in this period were called the “worker-peasant-soldier students” (工农兵学员), also were named the New generations. The ideology-focused model ensured students were politically allied to the party line and loyal to the revolutionary committee and party organization. Academic qualification was rearranged to the secondary consideration. In a nutshell, this was a period when political capital dominance (Andreas, 2009).
University curriculum was not excluded from the reform. Ideology and production were two core elements in the new curriculum. Factories and production units were set up in the universities (Unger, 1982). The needs of production units would determine the design of the curriculum. Contents in science subjects, if the knowledge would not be immediately applicable to practical use, it would be removed. As a result, the curriculum was subjected to constant changes.
Compared to the constant changing of curriculum, ideology and production were two consistent themes in this period. Manual labor and production were listed as daily activities for teachers, students, and even universities staffs (Unger, 1982). Open-Door School was a prominent element in the ideology-focused education model. The classroom ceased to be the only location for learning. Classes were organized on the factories’ shop floor and next to the fields. Students and even teachers had to learn from workers and farmers. In the factories, students and teachers were required to learn and understand the production process and technical details from factory technicians and workers. To facilitate agricultural development, universities were commanded to set up affiliated branches in rural communes. In so doing, teachers and students equipped with theoretical knowledge could interact with farmers who were equipped with practical experience. As recorded by Andreas, students under the Open-Door School policies had a distinctively different lifestyle than regular students. Students would engage in manual labor or production activities in the daytime. Then, they would attend class on campus or in the factories at night. Occasionally, students also participated in mass meetings and political campaigns.
In short, the ideology-focused model occupied the center of education. The admission process, curriculums, mode of teaching, and learning underwent fundamental reform during this period. Manual labor and ideological indoctrination were the centerpieces of the system.
3.4 Return to Development-focused model (1978-1980)
Mao Zedong died on September 9, 1976. Follow the demise of Mao, the Gang of Four was subsequently be arrested. The party leadership quickly admitted and corrected the ultra-left route. A long-time neglected development strategy was reemphasized, the Four Modernizations. The development strategy targeted to establish modernized agriculture, industry, national defense and science, and technology. To facilitate this objective, the CCP leadership brought the development-focused model back to the table.
Schools and classrooms, instead of factories and farms, were resumed their central role in education. Although the Open-Door School was not abandoned, the direction was reverted from elites learning from the mass to mass learning from elites. Systematically organized knowledge returned to the curriculum. The previous suspended theoretical study reinvigorated in the post-Mao era. Examinations resumed the exclusive role in the promotion process. “Keypoint” schools that admitted intelligent students were reopened.
In the Summer of 1977, a proposal of reintroducing the university entrance examination was presented by Deng at an educational working conference. Shortly after the conference, the consensus of resuming the exam had been reached among the leaders. An anonymous editorial was published on the People’s Daily on October 21, 1977. The article hailed the decision and pointed out the decision “has a significant direction on the higher education quality.” The decision not just influenced the university education but also “exerts a potential influence on secondary and primary education.” As also rightly pointed out by the editorial, the reinstitution of college entrance examination “influence every aspect of society and the destiny of Chinese families” (People’s Daily, 1977).
To fill out the knowledge gap created by the Cultural Revolution and generate a talent pool, the 1977 and 1978 college entrance examination was seen as the most challenging exam in Gaokao history. The Old Three-generations and New Three-generation students participated in the exam. As a result, the admission rate was 5% for two examinations (Du, 1992). In other words, only the brightest and most skillful exam takers in China were able to receive the universities’ offer.
4. Causal Mechanism: Relationship between exam takers’ academic ability and Admission in 1977 and 1978
The synopsis of PRC's education evolvement illustrates the education policies are conditioned to the political-ideological climate. However, a question remains: why were students able to be admitted into universities through the most rigorous selection process in Chinese Gaokao history? To further narrow the question, what is/are the reason(s) behind examinations. In anticipation, students of Old Three-generation, who have not engaged in systematically study, are less likely to succeed in the exam. Meanwhile, students of New Three-generation, who experience an ideological-focused education, are also less likely to outperform other candidates. However, both cohorts have representations in the 1977 and 1978 universities enrollment, even though the Old Three-generation outcompete their counterpart, in general. The following empirical study explores the possible reason(s) of students' success.
Unger suggests the "conventional wisdom" logic in explaining how students were admitted through the 1977 and 1978 university entrance examinations. This perspective is established by Chinese education historians. They propose that the structure and design of curriculum, the learning method, the teaching skills, and the quality of teachers before the Cultural Revolution outbreak enjoy higher quality. By observing "the last groups of young people who had received a quality high school education did embarrassingly better on the university entrance examinations than the 1977 high school graduates," they conclude that the higher quality of the pre-Cultural Revolution education is critical in explaining the performance of 1977 and 1978 exam takers. (Unger, 1982)" In other words, this logic implies that the solid knowledge retention by the Old Three-generation students explains the admission rate in the 1977 and 1978 examinations. However, the question remains unsolved. Students in New Three-generation are also admitted and enrolled in universities, even though they received ideology-oriented teaching and "lower quality" content than their counterparts.
Moreover, this logic establishes a shaky assumption: after a decade of political campaigns and manual labor, students of the Old Three-generation still remember the knowledge and exam skills. More importantly, the exam questions correspond to the content of the textbook in the pre-Cultural Revolution period. Although this logic is crucial in understanding the evolvement of the Chinese education system, it cannot provide a satisfactory explanation for our question. An alternative pathway is needed.
The less frequently noted second logic, the "benefit of city connection," fills in the explanatory gap. This perspective argues that when students are incapable of preparing for exams since they were out of study for a decade, they acquire study materials produced before the Cultural Revolution through their connections in cities. Thus, they reviewed knowledge through studying textbooks and exercises and attend prep classes. Therefore, regardless of cohorts, students can excel in exams as long as they have connections in the city.
To demonstrate the significant implication of the "benefit of city connection," the following part concentrates on one university: the Nanjing University. The university is selected for a case study not only because it is located in the most competitive province in the college entrance examination, but it is also the only university that has recollections of 1977 and 1978 students. Using memoirs and oral interviews of admitted students in the 1977 and 1978 university entrance examinations, the following section's objective is to illustrate how the higher quality education before the Cultural Revolution links with exams outcome in 1977 and 1978.
5. Case Study: Nanjing University
In 1977, the students in Jiangsu province, where Nanjing University is located, had no difference, compared with other students in China. The Old Three-generations were the earliest group of "Send-down Youth" during the Cultural Revolution. After they graduated from high school in 1966, 1967, and 1968, they were sent to the countryside. Some students became barefoot doctors, rural teachers, farmers, and workers in commune factories. They had not engaged in systematic learning since the day they left cities. As Huang Weihua, one of the Old Three-generation students, who was sent to Jinjiang as a math teacher, recalled, "Although I was a teacher, I could not remember much of the knowledge. I had to work in the field if I was not teaching. It was part of the collective labor." (Huang, 2016) Additionally, what Huang taught during the Cultural Revolution, was not the same as 1977 and 1978 examination. As Huang explains, "the exam had four subject tests, math, politics, verbal and general science. Even though I was a math teacher, the math exam was much difficult than I thought. As a result, I failed the 1977 exam" (Huang, 2016).
Yet, if the knowledge of the Old Three-generation was forgetting, why did they succeed in the 1977 and 1978 exams? To answer this question, we shall shift our attention to an easily overlooked logic, a mechanism we called "benefits of city connection." It highlights how exam takers utilized their connection with urban acquaintances to obtain study materials. As a result of studying the materials, they achieved outstanding performance and outperformed their counterpart, students without urban connections.
He Yunho, a top student of the Baoyin county "keypoint" high school, was sent to Taizhou during the Cultural Revolution. At first, he was doing farm works like every other Sent-down Youth. Soon, he was selected by a local official for veterinarian training and became a veterinarian until 1977. When he was treating a cow, he was notified by his high school teacher that the Gaokao was resumed. He packed everything and moved to the city to prepare for the exam. However, his hukou was transferred to rural. He could not stay in the city. His high school teacher-led him to stay in his place for a month. During the one-month preparation, his high school teacher gathered textbooks and exercises from the pre-Cultural Revolution period. One month later, he was admitted by Nanjing University's history department. As He recalled in the funeral of his high school teacher, "without his help, I would not have what I have today" (He, 2016). Similar to He, Mao Rong attended the exam with the help of his city connections. He was sent to a rural primary school to be a teacher. During the exam preparation, he acquired study materials from his friend who worked in the Rufu county's Bureau of Education. Those textbooks and exercises were locked in the basement, which safely endured through the Cultural Revolution. However, getting study materials was not the only obstacle. The exam took place forty-five miles away from his home. Unlike He, Mao did not have the privilege to stay in his high school teacher's home. His mother reached out to her factory's co-workers. One of the co-workers' relatives lived in the county where the exam took place. Mao lived in that relative's home during the two-day exam (Mao, 2016).
Not just in the first college entrance examination, candidates of the 1978 entrance examination, which was organized five months after the 1977's, relied on their urban connections. Gong Fang was an Old Three-generation student who graduated from high school in 1968. He was sent to Tangqiao commune to be a staff at a broadcasting station. He missed the 1977 examination, as he was afraid that he would not obtain a satisfactory result since he had not used the knowledge for a decade. After a prudential consideration, he reached out to his high schoolmate in Changzhou city. His schoolmate sent him several high school textbooks and exercises. He prepared for the exam with the materials while not working in the field (Gong, 2016).
An observable influence of the "benefit of city connection" also exists on the New Three-generation student, those who graduated during the Cultural Revolution. Zuo Chengci received an ideological-driven education. He graduated from a "wearing a hat" secondary school in 1974. The "wearing a hat" secondary school was designed to expand educational opportunities by adding secondary curriculum to primary schools. Since local officials valued students' numbers rather than the quality of the students, students in "wearing a hat" schools tended to receive "lower" quality education. When the college entrance exam resumed, Zuo realized he was incapable of taking the exam, as he graduated from a "wearing a hat" high school and work in the field for three years. Fortunately, one of his relatives who lived in Nantong county hid the complete set of textbooks in the ground during the Cultural Revolution. However, ideology-focused education laid a shaky foundation in his academic study. As a result, he reached out to a high school teacher working in a prep class. His teacher allowed him to audit the class. Combining the effort of reviewing the study material and prep class, he was admitted to the biology department at Nanjing University (Zuo, 2016).
Predominantly, reviewing the memoirs and interviews of successful exam takers, an observable recurring trend emerged. They relied on city connections. It is an easily neglected but influential factor. This trend justifies the "benefit of city connection" logic in which candidates had close relationships with urban acquaintances. Through these connections, they obtained study materials, participated in prep courses, and stay in relatives' homes during the exam. Thus, they could achieve higher grades than those who did not have the connection.
There are three main reasons to believe that the "benefit of city connection" presented in this case study is not a unique case that can only apply to this population. First, as described above, the college entrance examinations were held in the whole country. Students, as long as they met the exam requirement, could participate in the exam. Secondly, the assumption of waning memory on the knowledge is supported by the memoirs and interviews. The final and the most important reason is that almost all students who succeed in the exam have urban origins. They are Sent-down Youth from the city. Thus, they enjoy connections with their relatives, high school teachers, friends in government agencies who can provide study materials to them.
In essence, the case of the Nanjing University reveals an overlooked logic: students who were admitted into universities through the 1977 and 1978 college entrance examinations, not because they still remember the knowledge. Rather, even working in the farms and factories for three years, they had difficulty recalling knowledge. Fortunately, students could reach out to their urban connections and acquire study materials for exam preparation. Therefore, students achieved outstanding performance in the exam.
6. Conclusion
This paper characterizes the evolvement of PRC’s education system since 1949 as swings between the two distinctively different models, namely the development-focused model and ideology-focused model. After identifying the two models, this article argues that the hidden logic explains 1977 and 1978 admission is not the “conventional wisdom” but the “benefit of city connections.”
Scholars have widely studied China’s 1977 and 1978 education transition. However, they oversimplify the complexity in the 1977 and 1978 college entrance examinations. The case study takes a closer investigation into the nuance of the exam from students’ exam preparation perspective. Knowledge acquired from the process of education should not be regarded as a permanent inscription in students’ minds. In fact, the content of pre-Cultural Revolution education does have a massive boost effect in helping students in the exams. However, the effect travels through essential mediators, study materials, and prep classes. These mediators surely look familiar to exam takers today and play an essential role in achieving high grades.
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